Following is UN Secretary-General António Guterres’ address to the General Assembly today:
I am here to sound the alarm: the world must wake up. We are on the edge of an abyss — and moving in the wrong direction. Our world has never been more threatened. Or more divided.
We face the greatest cascade of crises in our lifetimes. The COVID-19 pandemic has supersized glaring inequalities. The climate crisis is pummeling the planet. Upheaval from Afghanistan to Ethiopia to Yemen and beyond has thwarted peace.
A surge of mistrust and misinformation is polarizing people and paralysing societies. Human rights are under fire. Science is under assault. And economic lifelines for the most vulnerable are coming too little and too late — if they come at all.
Solidarity is missing in action — just when we need it most. Perhaps one image tells the tale of our times. The picture we have seen from some parts of the world of COVID-19 vaccines … in the garbage. Expired and unused.
On the one hand, we see the vaccines developed in record time — a victory of science and human ingenuity. On the other hand, we see that triumph undone by the tragedy of a lack of political will, selfishness and mistrust. A surplus in some countries. Empty shelves in others. A majority of the wealthier world vaccinated. Over 90 per cent of Africans still waiting for their first dose. This is a moral indictment of the state of our world. It is an obscenity. We passed the science test. But we are getting an F in ethics.
The climate alarm bells are also ringing at fever pitch. The recent report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change was a code red for humanity. We see the warning signs in every continent and region. Scorching temperatures. Shocking biodiversity loss. Polluted air, water and natural spaces. And climate-related disasters at every turn. As we saw recently, not even this city — the financial capital of the world — is immune.
Climate scientists tell us it’s not too late to keep alive the 1.5-degree goal of the Paris Climate Agreement. But the window is rapidly closing. We need a 45 per cent cut in emissions by 2030. Yet, a recent United Nations report made clear that with present national climate commitments, emissions will go up by 16 per cent by 2030. That would condemn us to a hellscape of temperature rises of at least 2.7 degrees above pre-industrial levels. A catastrophe.
Meanwhile, the OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development) just reported a gap of at least $20 billion in essential and promised climate finance to developing countries. We are weeks away from the United Nations Climate Conference in Glasgow, but seemingly light years away from reaching our targets. We must get serious. And we must act fast.
COVID and the climate crisis have exposed profound fragilities as societies and as a planet. Yet instead of humility in the face of these epic challenges, we see hubris. Instead of the path of solidarity, we are on a dead end to destruction.
At the same time, another disease is spreading in our world today: a malady of mistrust. When people see promises of progress denied by the realities of their harsh daily lives. When they see their fundamental rights and freedoms curtailed. When they see petty — as well as grand — corruption around them. When they see billionaires joyriding to space while millions go hungry on Earth. When parents see a future for their children that looks even bleaker than the struggles of today. And when young people see no future at all…
The people we serve and represent may lose faith not only in their Governments and institutions — but in the values that have animated the work of the United Nations for over 75 years. Peace. Human rights. Dignity for all. Equality. Justice. Solidarity. Like never before, core values are in the crosshairs.
A breakdown in trust is leading to a breakdown in values. Promises, after all, are worthless if people do not see results in their daily lives. Failure to deliver creates space for some of the darkest impulses of humanity. It provides oxygen for easy fixes, pseudo-solutions and conspiracy theories. It is kindling to stoke ancient grievances. Cultural supremacy. Ideological dominance. Violent misogyny. The targeting of the most vulnerable, including refugees and migrants.
We face a moment of truth. Now is the time to deliver. Now is the time to restore trust. Now is the time to inspire hope. And I do have hope. The problems we have created are problems we can solve. Humanity has shown that we are capable of great things when we work together. That is the raison d’être of our United Nations.
But let’s be frank. Today’s multilateral system is too limited in its instruments and capacities, in relation to what is needed for effective governance of managing global public goods. It is too fixed on the short term. We need to strengthen global governance. We need to focus on the future. We need to renew the social contract. We need to ensure a United Nations fit for a new era.
That is why I presented my report on Our Common Agenda in the way I did. It provides a 360-degree analysis of the state of our world, with 90 specific recommendations that take on the challenges of today and strengthen multilateralism for tomorrow. Our Common Agenda builds on the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, and the Paris Climate Agreement. It is in line with the mandate I was given by the UN75 Declaration to seek a pathway to a better world.
But to reach that land of our promises, we must bridge great divides. I see six great divides — six Grand Canyons — that we must bridge now. First, we must bridge the peace divide. For far too many around the world, peace and stability remain a distant dream.
In Afghanistan, where we must boost humanitarian assistance and defend human rights, especially of women and girls. In Ethiopia, where we call on parties to immediately cease hostilities, ensure humanitarian access and create the conditions for the start of an Ethiopian-led political dialogue. In Myanmar, where we reaffirm unwavering support to the people in their pursuit of democracy, peace, human rights and the rule of law. In the Sahel, where we are committed to mobilizing international assistance for regional security, development and governance.
In places such as Yemen, Libya and Syria, where we must overcome stalemates and push for peace. In Israel and Palestine, where we urge leaders to resume a meaningful dialogue, recognizing the two-State solution as the only pathway to a just and comprehensive peace. In Haiti and so many other places left behind, where we stand in solidarity through every step out of crisis.
We are seeing an explosion in seizures of power by force. Military coups are back. The lack of unity among the international community does not help. Geopolitical divisions are undermining international cooperation and limiting the capacity of the Security Council to take the necessary decisions. A sense of impunity is taking hold. At the same time, it will be impossible to address dramatic economic and development challenges while the world’s two largest economies are at odds with each other.
Yet, I fear our world is creeping towards two different sets of economic, trade, financial, and technology rules, two divergent approaches in the development of artificial intelligence — and ultimately the risk of two different military and geopolitical strategies. This is a recipe for trouble. It would be far less predictable than the cold war.
To restore trust and inspire hope, we need cooperation. We need dialogue. We need understanding. We need to invest in prevention, peacekeeping and peacebuilding. We need progress on nuclear disarmament and in our shared efforts to counter terrorism. We need actions anchored in respect for human rights. And we need a new comprehensive Agenda for Peace.
Second, we must bridge the climate divide. This requires bridging trust between North and South. It starts by doing all we can now to create the conditions for success in Glasgow. We need more ambition from all countries in three key areas — mitigation, finance and adaptation.
More ambition on mitigation means countries committing to carbon neutrality by mid-century and to concrete 2030 emissions reductions targets that will get us there, backed up with credible actions now.
More ambition on finance means developing nations finally seeing the promised $100 billion a year for climate action, fully mobilizing the resources of both international financial institutions and the private sector, too.
More ambition on adaptation means developed countries living up to their promise of credible support to developing countries to build resilience to save lives and livelihoods.
This means 50 per cent of all climate finance provided by developed countries and multilateral development banks should be dedicated to adaptation. The African Development Bank set the bar in 2019 by allocating half of its climate finance to adaptation. Some donor countries have followed their lead. All must do so.
My message to every Member State is this: don’t wait for others to make the first move. Do your part. Around the world, we see civil society — led by young people — fully mobilized to tackle the climate crisis. The private sector is increasingly stepping up.
Governments must also summon the full force of their fiscal policymaking powers to make the shift to green economies. By taxing carbon and pollution instead of people’s income to more easily make the switch to sustainable green jobs. By ending subsidies to fossil fuels and freeing up resources to invest back into health care, education, renewable energy, sustainable food systems, and social protections for their people. By committing to no new coal plants. If all planned coal power plants become operational, we will not only be clearly above 1.5 degrees — we will be well above 2 degrees. The Paris targets will go up in smoke.
This is a planetary emergency. We need coalitions of solidarity — between countries that still depend heavily on coal and countries that have the financial and technical resources to support their transition. We have the opportunity and the obligation to act.
Third, we must bridge the gap between rich and poor, within and among countries. That starts by ending the pandemic for everyone, everywhere. We urgently need a global vaccination plan to at least double vaccine production and ensure that vaccines reach 70 per cent of the world’s population in the first half of 2022. This plan could be implemented by an emergency task force made up of present and potential vaccine producers, the World Health Organization, ACT-Accelerator partners, and international financial institutions, working with pharmaceutical companies.
We have no time to lose. A lopsided recovery is deepening inequalities. Richer countries could reach pre-pandemic growth rates by the end of this year while the impacts may last for years in low-income countries. Is it any wonder? Advanced economies are investing nearly 28 per cent of their gross domestic product (GDP) into economic recovery. For middle-income countries, that number falls to 6.5 per cent. And it plummets to 1.8 per cent for the least developed countries — a tiny percentage of a much smaller amount.
In sub-Saharan Africa, the International Monetary Fund projects that cumulative economic growth per capita over the next five years will be 75 per cent less than the rest of the world. Many countries need an urgent injection of liquidity. I welcome the issuance of $650 billion in special drawing rights (SDR) by the International Monetary Fund.
But these SDRs are largely going to the countries that need them least. Advanced economies should reallocate their surplus SDRs to countries in need. SDRs are not a silver bullet. But they provide space for sustainable recovery and growth.
I renew also my call for a reformed and more equitable international debt architecture. The Debt Service Suspension Initiative must be extended to 2022 and should be available to all highly indebted vulnerable and middle-income countries that request it. This would be solidarity in action. Countries shouldn’t have to choose between servicing debt and serving people.
With effective international solidarity, it would be possible at the national level to forge a new social contract that includes universal health coverage and income protection, housing and decent work, quality education for all, and an end to discrimination and violence against women and girls.
I call on countries to reform their tax systems and finally end tax evasion, money-laundering and illicit financial flows. And as we look ahead, we need a better system of prevention and preparedness for all major global risks. We must support the recommendations of the Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response. I have put forward a number of other proposals in Our Common Agenda — including an emergency platform and a Futures Lab.
Fourth, we must bridge the gender divide. COVID-19 exposed and amplified the world’s most enduring injustice: the power imbalance between men and women. When the pandemic hit, women were the majority of front-line workers, first to lose their jobs, and first to put their careers on hold to care for those close to them. Girls were disproportionately hit by school closures that limit their development and increase the risk of abuse, violence and child marriage. Bridging the gender divide is not only a matter of justice for women and girls. It’s a game-changer for humanity.
Societies with more equal representation are more stable and peaceful. They have better health systems and more vibrant economies. Women’s equality is essentially a question of power. We must urgently transform our male-dominated world and shift the balance of power to solve the most challenging problems of our age. That means more women leaders in parliaments, cabinets and boardrooms. It means women fully represented and making their full contribution, everywhere. I urge Governments, corporations and other institutions to take bold steps, including benchmarks and quotas, to create gender parity from the leadership down. At the United Nations, we have achieved this among the senior management and our country team leaders. We will keep going until we have parity at every level.
At the same time, we need to push back against regressive laws that institutionalize gender discrimination. Women’s rights are human rights. Economic recovery plans should focus on women, including through large-scale investments in the care economy. And we need an emergency plan to fight gender-based violence in every country. To achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and build a better world, we can and we must bridge the gender divide.
Fifth, restoring trust and inspiring hope means bridging the digital divide. Half of humanity has no access to the Internet. We must connect everyone by 2030. This is the vision of my Road Map for Digital Cooperation — to embrace the promise of digital technology while protecting people from its perils. One of the greatest perils we face is the growing reach of digital platforms and the use and abuse of data.
A vast library of information is being assembled about each of us. Yet, we don’t even have the keys to that library. We don’t know how this information has been collected, by whom or for what purposes. But we do know our data is being used commercially — to boost corporate profits. Our behaviour patterns are being commodified and sold like futures contracts.
Our data is also being used to influence our perceptions and opinions. Governments and others can exploit it to control or manipulate people’s behaviour, violating human rights of individuals or groups, and undermining democracy. This is not science fiction. This is today’s reality. And it requires a serious discussion.
So, too, do other dangers in the digital frontier. I am certain, for example, that any future major confrontation — and heaven forbid it should ever happen — will start with a massive cyberattack. Where are the legal frameworks to address this? Autonomous weapons can today choose targets and kill people without human interference. They should be banned. But there is no consensus on how to regulate those technologies. To restore trust and inspire hope, we need to place human rights at the centre of our efforts to ensure a safe, equitable and open digital future for all.
Sixth, and finally, we need to bridge the divide among generations. Young people will inherit the consequences of our decisions — good and bad. At the same time, we expect 10.9 billion people to be born by century’s end. We need their talents, ideas and energies.
Our Common Agenda proposes a Transforming Education Summit next year to address the learning crisis and expand opportunities for today’s 1.8 billion young people. But young people need more than support. They need a seat at the table. For this, I will appoint a Special Envoy for Future Generations and create the United Nations Youth Office.
And the contributions of young people will be central to the Summit of the Future, as set out in Our Common Agenda. Young people need a vision of hope for the future. Recent research showed the majority of young people across 10 countries are suffering from high levels of anxiety and distress over the state of our planet. Some 60 per cent of your future voters feel betrayed by their Governments. We must prove to children and young people that despite the seriousness of the situation, the world has a plan — and Governments are committed to implementing it. We need to act now to bridge the great divides and save humanity and the planet.
With real engagement, we can live up to the promise of a better, more peaceful world. That is the driving force of our Common Agenda. The best way to advance the interests of one’s own citizens is by advancing the interests of our common future. Interdependence is the logic of the twenty-first century. And it is the lodestar of the United Nations.
This is our time. A moment for transformation. An era to reignite multilateralism. An age of possibilities. Let us restore trust. Let us inspire hope. And let us start right now.