Yoon Suk-yeol, the president of South Korea, imposed martial law because the judiciary was investigating his wife’s shadowy manipulation of the stock market. But his attempt at dictatorship failed miserably; his ministers all resigned and his party rejected the decision, so he had to back down. Now hanging over him is the possibility of being indicted for treason. In this case, democracy won.
What will happen in the United States on Inauguration Day? Donald Trump repeatedly said during his campaign that if he were elected, “he would only be a dictator for a day.” What will his cabinet do? Will they resign? Will the Republicans reject his dictatorial measures?
Of course, the president of the United States cannot do whatever he wants. Congress has a say and the courts can block or overrule his decisions. But there are many indications that Trump wants to make extensive use of his executive powers, and he will try to grab even more, thanks in part to a tamed Congress.
The president-elect has repeatedly demonstrated his disdain for the democratic process, and has skillfully exploited discontent, fear and misinformation in order to return to the White House, supported by angry voters convinced that all Americans opposed to his leadership were “the enemy within.” His rhetoric very often took an authoritarian turn, threatening civil war, denouncing opponents as illegitimate, menacing to use the government for personal reprisals, and to weaken institutions when they do not serve his interests.
The president cannot do whatever he wants, but no office in the Western world equals the power of the tenant of the Oval Office, who can use executive orders to intervene, at least temporarily, in policy areas otherwise reserved for the legislative function of Congress. Plans for Trump’s priority projects are emerging these days. It remains to be seen what he will actually be able to implement after he takes office on January 20, 2025, and how he will do it. It is clear that many of his promises, or threats, were designed primarily for electoral purposes–to get votes.
But let us take a look at what Donald Trump has planned for his “day one.” In his electoral rallies he said that as president, he will deport undocumented immigrants immediately and on a large scale. “On day one I will launch the largest deportation program in American history,” he said at Madison Square Garden in New York a few days before the election. When asked after his election victory about the plans and costs of his program, he said the expense is insignificant and planning for the “Aurora” project is in its final stages.
Trump has since repeatedly declared he is capable of ending the war between Russia and Ukraine within 24 hours. At a campaign event in Georgia in late June, he went further, even saying he could resolve the conflict before he even took office. But he has not indicated how he plans to do it.
Soon after Joe Biden pardoned his son Hunter, Trump also promised to pardon his court-convicted supporters who took part in the Capitol Hill assault (he called them “January 6 hostages”), while also saying he will take action against the prosecutors who pursued the criminal cases against him.
During Trump’s rallies, MAGA people went into a frenzy when he promised to “keep men out of women’s sports” and end the Biden Administration’s “transgender madness”; on his first day in office, he promised, he means to repeal the ban on discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in schools.
Trump has been very adept at capitalizing politically on discontent among disillusioned voters, projecting strength through an internal conflict he orchestrated, continuing to erode trust and appreciation for democratic freedoms and institutions. His promises on commercial fees and protectionism were music to the ears of those who felt abandoned by globalization or betrayed by the political establishment. Others were attracted to the authoritarian style he perfected in front of the cameras on his reality show “The Apprentice,” mistaking his TV role for effective leadership; a leader who gains power but avoids the responsibilities that come with it.
The world is now watching the United States, just as it is watching South Korea. Historically, the American right wing has had people like Newt Gingrich who prioritized obstructionism over governance, using chaos but only to force concessions. The question is not whether the far right will test the limits of democracy, but what the response will be. The time for Congress to act is now, before “mild” forms of authoritarianism, even for a single day, become heavier and more entrenched.
